Click here to download a PDF of CJPME's Federal Election Guide 2025. Published April 24, 2025.

Responding to the Gaza Genocide
Ending the Canada-Israel Arms Trade
Canada’s Involvement in Illegal Settlements
Addressing Anti-Palestinian Racism and Islamophobia
Protecting Free Expression on Palestine
Canada’s Aid to Palestine Refugees (UNRWA)
Affirming Palestinian Rights under International Law
Upholding Accountability for War Crimes

Introduction and Scope of Analysis

Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME) has prepared the following assessment of the main federal political parties on the issue of Palestinian human rights. While its assessment may touch upon the record of the parties since the last federal election in 2021, its emphasis is on how the parties responded to Israel’s genocide in Gaza since October 2023.

Due to resource constraints, this Guide focuses on the positions of the main federal parties with at least one seat in Parliament. Given the unprecedentedly high profile of this issue in Canadian politics since October 2023, CJPME cannot promise that the Guide is comprehensive, but rather highlights some of the most important actions and themes.

In conducting this analysis, CJPME has examined the actions, policies, and statements of the main parties, focusing on party leaders and the relevant ministers and critics. Some of the criteria we have taken into consideration during the assessment include: 1) do they demonstrate support for international law and universal human rights; 2) have they been outspoken against injustice, and are they likely to be an advocate on these issues; 3) do they express support for meaningful and concrete action against human rights violators; 4) do their answers demonstrate a sense of urgency in responding to crises; 5) do they support non-violent social movements, and are they willing to engage with them on these issues.

Further, when evaluating the record of the federal parties, CJPME takes into consideration the power differential in their ability to influence change. The parties range from governing parties, to major parties with official opposition status, to smaller opposition parties with a small presence in Parliament. Not every party has the same privileges and resources, but CJPME considers what they have been able to do with what they have.

While certain trends are clear, CJPME does not offer this Guide as a recipe book for voting. Individual Canadian voters must decide how to vote based on many factors, especially the specifics of their local riding and candidates. Readers are encouraged to consult the Vote Palestine website and see if their local candidates have endorsed the Palestine Platform.[1] Nevertheless, CJPME hopes that this Guide will provide strong overall guidance on how parties have responded to Palestinian human rights over the past few years, including Israel’s genocide in Gaza, and how these same parties might respond in the future.

1. Responding to the Gaza Genocide

Liberal Party

In the days and weeks following Hamas’s Operation Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, and the launch of Israel’s deadly assault on Gaza, the Liberal government stood both rhetorically and materially with Israel and intentionally downplayed the cost to Palestinian civilians. Israel’s stated intentions for Gaza, as expressed only days into its attack, were blatantly genocidal and foreshadowed the harrowing humanitarian catastrophe that was to come.[2] Despite this, the Trudeau government refused to call for a ceasefire and an end to the bloodshed, and instead aligned itself closely with the Israeli regime.

The government forcefully condemned Hamas violence against Israelis,[3] and within a week Joly travelled to Israel to “reaffirm Canada's support for Israel and its right to defend itself in accordance with international law.”[4] When it came to Israeli violence against Palestinians, however, the Liberals refused to directly address the issue, treating it as a “humanitarian situation.”[5] This was in spite of the already significant scale of human suffering, and despite the fact that as an occupying power, Israel does not have a right to self-defence in Gaza and its legal responsibilities are much more restricted under international law.[6] It wasn’t until November 14th, a month into the indiscriminate killing, that Trudeau began to express concern for Palestinians by calling for “maximum restraint” and for “the killing of women and children” to stop.[7]

For over two months, in fact, Canada rejected calls for a ceasefire and refused to demand an end to Israel’s deadly attacks. By October 24, Joly started using Israel’s prefer term “humanitarian pauses” as an alternative to a permanent end to hostilities,[8] and on October 28 Canada abstained on a resolution at the UN General Assembly that called for a ceasefire from all parties.[9] As an indication of how absurd this position was, during an interview on November 8^th Trudeau even slipped up on camera and almost said ceasefire, before stopping himself.[10] Instead of supporting an end to the violence, the most that Canada would offer was a mild call for restraint.

It wasn’t until December 12th that Canada finally expressed support for a ceasefire, which it signified by voting in support of a ceasefire resolution at the UNGA.[11] The same day, the Liberal government released a joint statement with Australia and New Zealand affirming Israel’s right to self-defence and stating they see no role for Hamas in the future of Gaza[12] – essentially, affirming Israel’s war aim of eradicating Hamas, which contradicts the call for an end to hostilities. The statement also contradicted the principle of Palestinian self-determination and the right of Palestinians to determine their own governing party and political institutions.

By February 2024, the position of Joly and the cabinet began to shift, as they expressed opposition to the invasion of Rafah.[13] This was the most concrete change in messaging from the government to date, as they began to take issue with the Israeli approach overall rather than simply its excesses. In March 2024, the Liberal cabinet and the overwhelming majority of their caucus voted for a watered-down NDP resolution that called for a ceasefire, an end to arms transfers to Israel, and support for the ICC and ICJ.[14]

Despite the very slow shift in tone, Canada never put forward (or threatened) any action or policy that would put pressure on Israel or discourage its illegal actions. Simply put, Canada demonstrated no material opposition to the genocide. Instead, the Trudeau government continued to affirm Israeli narratives - Canada promoted the Biden ceasefire plan[15] and contributed to the false narrative that Hamas is the one delaying a ceasefire rather than Netanyahu.[16] Similarly, Canada routinely calls for the release of Israeli hostages but says nothing about Palestinians unjustly imprisoned or detained before and since Operation Al-Aqsa Flood.

On the rare occasion that Canada took a stronger position of condemnation against an Israeli atrocity, these were either walked back or abandoned. For example, on October 22, 2023, Joly responded to news of Israel’s bombing of Al Ahli Hospital with a tweet that said “Bombing a hospital is an unthinkable act, and there is no doubt that doing so is absolutely illegal”[17] - which was stronger language than usual, yet did not name Israel as the perpetrator. Soon after, however, the government adopted Israeli denials over the bombing and accepted the narrative which assigned blame to a Palestinian rocket.[18] Despite claiming to have done an ‘independent’ analysis, Canada was criticized by the Information Commissioner for refusing to hand over any of the documentation supporting its conclusion.[19] In another example, on April 2, 2024, Canada condemned the killing of a Canadian aid worker in an Israeli attack on a humanitarian convoy, and called for an investigation.[20] However, there was never any investigation or follow up, and nobody has been held accountable.

Under Mark Carney, the position of the Liberal government has not substantively or materially changed. After Netanyahu abandoned the ceasefire deal and resumed Israel’s genocidal attacks on Gaza, Carney called for a return to the ceasefire.[21] Carney also called on Trump’s plan to take over Gaza and forcibly expel the Palestinian population as a violation of international law.[22] But despite these few comments, there has been no material change in Canada’s approach to the genocide.

Finally, Carney’s latest comments during this election campaign failed to take a clear stand. In responding to a questioner during a rally, Carney appeared to affirm that there’s a genocide in Gaza, but he quickly clarified to say that he didn’t hear the “genocide” word.[23] Instead, Carney says that the allegation of genocide is currently before the International Court of Justice, and he doesn’t want to politicize the term by using it.[24] When challenged on his unwillingness to call it genocide during the French and English debate, he repeated this position.[25] In refusing to take a position, Carney is deflecting from Canada’s legal responsibility under international and domestic law to take action to prevent, stop, and punish genocide, regardless of whether the ICJ has ruled on the matter. Carney’s abdication of responsibility continues the pattern of his predecessor.

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservative Party has been an unconditional supporter of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza since the beginning. The Conservatives believe that Israel’s actions are entirely justified in order to destroy Hamas, which it calls a "sadistic criminal terrorist death cult."[26] In November 2023, several CPC MPs travelled to occupied East Jerusalem to “bear witness in the aftermath of the horrific events of October 7th and to express our solidarity with the Israeli people.”[27] On the 1-year anniversary, CPC deputy leader Melissa Lantsman moved a unanimous consent motion in the House which “unequivocally reaffirms Israel's right to defend itself from terrorists who attack it” and “condemns Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist entities which must be eliminated” – without any mention of the Palestinians facing a genocide.[28]

When asked, Poilievre has been unwilling to criticize any of Israel’s action in Gaza, instead insisting that Hamas is responsible for all Palestinian suffering.[29] CPC foreign affairs critic Michael Chong has denied that there are any credible reports that Israel has committed war crimes, telling Parliament in March 2024 that he was “not aware of any international organization, the UN or any high court that has assessed that the State of Israel has committed war crimes since October 7, 2023.”[30] Instead, they have attacked the credibility of the Gaza Health Ministry’s death counts and cast doubt on reports of Palestinians killed.[31] In effect, Chong argued he does not view Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch as credible sources of information on Israel’s actions in Gaza.

Since the Conservatives wholeheartedly support Israel’s war aims, they have been consistently opposed to calls for a ceasefire. On October 24, 2023, the party said that they support “temporary pauses in military activity” and so-called humanitarian corridors, “while continuing to recognize that Israel has a right to defend itself and take action to eliminate the threat posed by Hamas.”[32] When Canada finally voted in support of a ceasefire at the UNGA in December 2023, the Conservatives accused the government of “aligning Canada with Hamas.”[33] In March 2024 the Conservatives voted against the NDP motion in Parliament for a ceasefire,[34] accusing those who supported it of “rewarding Hamas terrorists for their October 7 massacre.”[35] And instead of supporting regional peace and de-escalation, Poilievre has said that an Israeli strike on Iranian nuclear sites would be “a gift by the Jewish state to humanity.”[36]

As of April 14 2025, Poilievre does not have a single tweet discussing the experiences of Palestinians, according to a Twitter search with keywords including Gaza, Palestine, Palestinian, ceasefire.

Finally, the Conservatives are opposed to calling Israel’s actions a genocide and have attacked Liberal and NDP MPs for doing so.[37] They have praised the German government for rejecting “the false claim of genocide,” and urged Canada to do the same.[38]

For the reasons such as above, it has been reported that the Israeli government is “happy to wait” for a Conservative win.[39]

New Democratic Party

The NDP’s first statement on October 9, 2023 did not call for a ceasefire. It condemned both the “terrorist attacks by Hamas” and Israel’s “bombardment of civilian homes,” and claimed that “like the Israeli civilians killed over the past few days, Gazans are victims of Hamas’ brutality.” However, the statement did correctly assert that there is “no possible military solution” for Gaza and urged Canada to do “everything in its power to ensure the protection of civilians and respect for international law.”[40] One week later, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh was finally calling on Canada to “call for a ceasefire to end the killing of innocent civilians in Gaza immediately,”[41] and on November 2, the entire NDP caucus sent a letter to Prime Minister Trudeau calling on him to demand a ceasefire.[42]

Over the next months, the NDP would frequently call for a ceasefire in Parliament, and would consistently condemn the latest Israeli violations in Gaza, including war crimes and acts of ethnic cleansing. On March 18, 2024, the NDP moved an opposition day motion calling for a ceasefire, as well as an end to arms transfers and other measures of accountability.[43] The motion was ultimately watered down in order to secure its passage with the support of Liberal cabinet members,[44] but the final text called on Canada to “demand an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages, and [that] Hamas must lay down its arms.”[45]

The NDP first hinted at the possibility that Israel’s actions could become genocidal as early as October 16, 2023, when Jagmeet Singh warned Parliament that “when we stop seeing each other as human, when we stop believing that each life has value, this is when the seeds of genocide take hold.”[46] In December, NDP foreign affairs critic Heather McPherson questioned the government over the “genocidal rhetoric” from Israeli ministers.[47] By September 2024, McPherson was directly calling out “the genocide that is happening in Gaza” in Parliament,[48] and in December 2024 she called for an emergency debate on Amnesty International’s report which found that Israel has committed genocide in Gaza.[49]

Finally, during both of the federal leaders’ debates in this election period, Singh directly challenged Liberal leader Mark Carney on his unwillingness to call it genocide, saying: “Why don’t you call things as they are? This is a genocide.”[50]

Despite the above, the NDP has been rightly criticized for having been in a position of leverage over the Liberal minority government, yet never even threatened to use this leverage to bring down the government over its complicity in genocide. While it may have cost the NDP politically, they were in a unique position to challenge the Liberal government’s support for Israel and chose not to take a tougher approach.

Bloc Québécois

The initial response from the Bloc Québécois did not call for a ceasefire. Instead, the BQ endorsed Israel’s military intervention while simultaneously warning about the humanitarian situation affecting Palestinian civilians. On October 16, BQ leader Yves-François Blanchet told Parliament that Israel was planning to invade Gaza because “Hamas has to be eliminated if there is to be any hope of lasting peace in the region,” and naively suggested that Israel may also be motivated by a desire to facilitate humanitarian relief. He called for Canada to participate in US-led coordination to destroy Hamas, saying that “Canada must not remain on the sidelines of major movements and must ask to join its allies in considering and coordinating a western strategy to put a quick end to the hostilities and ensure that the creature called Hamas never raises its ugly head again.”[51]

Over the next several weeks the BQ would speak about the need for a “humanitarian truce” in Gaza, but not a ceasefire.[52] On November 6, the party issued a statement warning that if Israel refused allow a humanitarian truce, only then would the world have to “withdraw their support, demand a complete and immediate ceasefire and, if necessary, compel the State of Israel to comply through sanctions.”[53] Two days later, the BQ finally and unequivocally called for a ceasefire in Gaza and called on Prime Minister Trudeau to support it,[54] while calling for the deployment of an international peacekeeping force.[55]

On March 18, 2024, the BQ voted for the NDP motion for a ceasefire,[56] and in May 2024 they urged Canada to support calls by the Arab League for an international peacekeeping force in the occupied Palestinian territory,[57] among other proposals to force Israel to comply with international law.[58]

The BQ has refrained from referring to Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide, and there is no record of Blanchet using this term. However, foreign affairs critic Stéphane Bergeron has spoken about South Africa’s case against Israel at the ICJ, noting that “although the court has not yet ruled [on the question of genocide], it has demanded that Israel take a series of measures to prevent genocide.”[59]

Despite these policy improvements since October 7, in the recent English language debate, Blanchet once again called for the elimination of Hamas, putting into question his commitment to ending the violence in Gaza.[60]

Green Party

The initial statement from the Green Party on October 7, 2023 “unequivocally” condemned the attack on Israeli civilians, and although the party did not call for a ceasefire, it did demand “immediate steps to deescalate this dangerous situation.”[61] By October 11, however, the party issued a statement “amplify[ing] the voices of those calling for an immediate ceasefire” and condemning Israel’s violations of international law.[62]

Although the party has only two seats in Parliament, Green MP Mike Morrice used his limited platform to consistently challenge Canada’s silence on Israel’s human rights abuses, often asking “How many more children need to die before the government calls for a ceasefire?”[63] The party has also challenged Israel’s ethnic cleansing policies in Gaza[64] and Trump’s plans to force out the population, which they described as “a horrifying attempt to erase an entire people from their homeland.”[65]

In January 2024, the Green Party welcomed the case against South Africa against Israel before the ICJ, arguing that “It is now up to the International Court of Justice to settle whether or not the 1948 Genocide Convention applies to the situation in Gaza.”[66] By March 19, 2025, with Israel’s abandonment of the ceasefire deal, the Green Party unequivocally stated that the resumption of Israel’s siege and attacks on Palestinians are “part of the ongoing genocide against Palestinian people and constitute a clear violation of the Palestine-Israel ceasefire by Israel.”[67]

2. Ending the Canada-Israel Arms Trade

Liberal Party

Under the Trudeau government, Canada’s arms exports to Israel skyrocketed -- despite Israel’s lengthy track record of serious violations of human rights and international law.[68] These reached an all-time high in 2023, with an acceleration of arms exports approved during the first few months of Israel’s genocidal campaign.[69] Despite claiming to have implemented an eventual ‘pause’ in some military exports to Israel, the Liberal government has misled the public about the Canada-Israel arms trade and has allowed significant loopholes to remain.

In response to concerns about Canada’s arms trade with Israel during the Gaza genocide, the Liberal government initially lied and misled the public about the nature of these exports, claiming that Canada was not arming or exporting weapons to Israel, or that they were only approving “non-lethal” weapons exports.[70] On Feb 14, 2024, Trudeau lied to Parliament by claiming that “we have not permitted any new export permits since October 7.”[71] This was contradicted by the Government of Canada’s own annual reporting that showed the direct export to Israel of a significant quantity of various military goods between October and December 2023, including explosives and components for military aircraft.[72]

In early January 2024, Minister Joly made a major shift in Canada’s policy by quietly pausing export approvals for all military goods.[73] When this new practice came to light, Joly explained that this ‘pause’ was due to their “inability to confirm that human rights are being upheld.”[74] Existing weapons permits, however – over $90m worth – were still allowed to go forward.[75]

On March 18, 2024, Joly, Trudeau, and most Liberals voted in support of an NDP motion which included a clause to “cease the further authorization and transfer of arms exports to Israel to ensure compliance with Canada’s arms export regime.”[76] In negotiations with the NDP, Joly had watered down the motion from its initial language in support of a full arms embargo.[77] In exchange, Joly promised the NDP’s Heather McPherson that she would issue a notice to exporters informing them that they cannot export weapons to Israel.[78] However, Joly never followed through on this promise. To this day, no notice to exporters has ever been posted on the GAC website.

In August 2024, the US government announced that it intended to purchase 50,000 highly explosive mortar cartridges from a Quebec-based company to transfer to the Israeli military.[79] Joly first denied the report, before finally confirming that she would be working with the company to stop the shipment.[80] At that point, Joly announced she was barring all Canadian weapons from being used by Israel in Gaza, even if they were first being sent to the US, and suspended 30 existing permits.[81] However, in Spring 2025, it was discovered that there is a second contract between the same company and the US to procure artillery propellant destined for the Israeli military. The contract was brokered by a Canadian crown corporation, only two weeks after Joly announced that such deals would be blocked.[82] Joly once again denied reports of the contract, but a statement issued by Global Affairs Canada did not deny its existence.[83] This ordeal reveals that Canada has not closed the US loophole as promised, significantly undermining the credibility of the government’s supposed pause on weapons exports.

During the current campaign, Carney initially claimed that Canada has an “arms embargo” on Israel, but then walked it back and said that Canada continues to export defensive arms for the Iron Dome.[84] This supposed exception is not supported by any policy announcement to date, and appears to contradict previous statements from Minister Joly and Global Affairs Canada. As such, it is not clear whether it is a mistake, a clarification on existing policy, or if it represents a new shift in Canada’s practice.

In addition to the above, the Liberal party has continued to allow the export of F-35 and Apache Helicopter parts and components to the US, which are then supplied to Israel.[85]

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservative Party does not support any restriction on arms exports to Israel, and Poilievre says he will “remove any ban on the sale of military equipment to Israel.”[86] Notably, the party voted against the NDP’s motion on March 18, 2024, which in part called for an end to arms transfers to Israel. Later in committee, Conservative MPs called for a reversal of the restrictions, with MP Marty Morantz lamenting, “We ban arms sales to Israel and now Iran shoots cruise missiles, drones and ballistic missiles at Israel. The Prime Minister says that we stand with Israel and that it has a right to defend itself, but we are not going to sell it any arms. What a hypocrite. Such a level of hypocrisy has never before been seen in the House, and it cannot stand.”[87] Defence critic James Bezan suggested that the ban on selling arms to Israel is “hurting” not only Israel “but also Canadian businesses.”[88]

New Democratic Party

The NDP adopted support for an arms embargo on Israel as its official policy in 2021 and has been very active in advocating for this demand. For example, in January 2024, Singh asked Trudeau, “Why is the Prime Minister fuelling this war with Canadian arms and punishing Palestinian children who did not commit a crime?”[89] In October 2024, foreign affairs critic McPherson warned that “Canadian law says that we are not able to send weapons to any country that may be perpetrating a genocide.”[90]

The NDP has been creative in finding ways to push the government on this issue in Parliament. In 2024, McPherson presented in Parliament a CJPME-initiated petition for a two-way arms embargo which received over 82,000 signatures.[91] McPherson also successfully got the Foreign Affairs committee to pass a motion to compel and study documents from Global Affairs Canada related to arms exports to Israel.[92]

As part of their opposition day motion on March 18, 2024, the NDP initially called for the total suspension of trade in military goods and technology with Israel. However, this was watered down in negotiations with the Liberal government to ensure its passage. The final amended motion adopted by Parliament called on Canada to “cease the further authorization and transfer of arms exports to Israel to ensure compliance with Canada’s arms export regime.”[93] Many advocates for an arms embargo had mixed feelings about the outcome, as it seemed to leave the door open to many of the existing loopholes, but having Canada’s Parliament vote for even a partial arms embargo was nonetheless a significant political achievement.[94]

The NDP’s 2025 campaign platform pledges that they would “immediately impose a two-way arms embargo on Israel, and close loopholes that allow military and goods and technology to be exported to countries that abuse human rights.”[95]

Bloc Québécois

Following its initial support for Israel’s military actions in Gaza, the BQ eventually came around to supporting restrictions on arms exports to Israel, but has not devoted any significant political capital to this demand.

In December 2023, foreign affairs critic Bergeron asked a question to Global Affairs Canada during a committee hearing: “Are you following up to make sure that the weapons and technology we sell to Israel are not now being used against the civilian population in Gaza?”[96] The BQ also supported the NDP motion on March 18, 2024 to stop transferring arms to Israel, saying that they “supported suspending arms sales to Israel because the Israeli attack is disproportionate and intended to inflict maximum damage in the Gaza Strip.”[97]

In May 2024, the Bloc issued a statement with a series of measures for Gaza, including calling on Canada to “adopt a complete moratorium on the export to Israel of any technology with potential military use.”[98] Despite this, BQ MPs were not willing to sign on to the “Arms Embargo Now” campaign,[99] and although the party sent a letter to Minister Joly requesting an arms embargo in May 2024, they declined to make this public.

Green Party

The Green Party has been actively calling for an arms embargo on Israel since at least January 2024, when party leader Elizabeth May joined a national hunger strike in support of an arms embargo.[100] Following the ICJ ruling that same month that Israel must take steps to prevent genocide, the GPC called on Canada to “advocate for an arms embargo on Israel to ensure compliance with international law and prevent the use of military force that may contribute to human rights violations in the Gaza Strip.”[101] MP Mike Morrice has repeatedly raised this issue in Parliament, citing critical reporting on Canada’s arms trade with Israel.[102] Both Green MPs signed the “Arms Embargo Now” statement.[103]

Following the discovery in August 2024 that Canada was still exporting weapons to Israel through the US loophole, the GPC called for “the immediate cancellation of the General Dynamics contract and an unequivocal embargo on all arms sales to Israel.”[104] In a March 2025 statement, the party reaffirmed their call for “the implementation of a strong two-way arms embargo.”[105]

3. Canada’s Involvement in Illegal Settlements

Liberal Party

On paper, the Canadian government is opposed to Israel’s illegal settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). In practice, however, the Liberals have never taken any steps to end Canadian complicity in Israel’s colonial settlement enterprise. Notably, in 2019 the Liberal government modernized the Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement, even though the agreement violates UN Security Council Resolution 2334 by extending trade benefits to illegal settlement businesses. This provides material benefits to settlement businesses on stolen Palestinian land.[106]

For years, the Liberal government has also directly opposed efforts to hold Israel accountable for settlements. Since Trudeau was elected in 2015, Canada voted against a UN resolution to condemn Israeli settlements nine years in a row and only changed course in late 2024.[107] The Liberal government has also fought against efforts to stop labelling goods from settlements as “Products of Israel,” although federal courts ultimately determined that such labels are false and misleading.[108]

In May and June 2024, Joly followed the US and other European countries in imposing several sanctions on some extremist Israeli settlers responsible for violence against Palestinians.[109] This was a precedent-setting move in the sense that it was the first time that Canada used sanctions to target Israeli violations. However, Canada was only following the lead of its allies, and Joly only targeted a few individuals while failing to put any sanctions on the far-right Israeli government that is ultimately responsible for settler violence.[110]

No other action has been taken to address Canadian support for settlements. When asked by the NDP if the government considers settlements to be a “war crime,” and what measures Canada intends to take to hold accountable those who are responsible, Justice Minister Arif Virani refused to provide an answer and instead deferred to international tribunals.[111] This is another deflection of Canada’s responsibilities to take action against blatant violations of international law.

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservative Party does not support measures to end Canada’s complicity in settlements, and typically avoids the issue. In 2022, Poilievre and other party leaders met with Chaim Silberstein, a developer of settlements and the leader of Keep Jerusalem, a far-right Israeli settler organization that illegally builds in occupied East Jerusalem. During that meeting, Poilievre reiterated his view that “Jerusalem is the capital of Israel, and when I am elected prime minister of Canada, I will ensure that our embassy is relocated from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.”[112] In effect, this amounts to endorsing Israel’s colonization and annexation of occupied East Jerusalem and the resulting displacement of Palestinians.

New Democratic Party

Since 2021, the NDP has had an official policy in support of “ending all trade and economic cooperation with illegal settlements in Israel-Palestine.”[113]

In June 2024, NDP critic for tax fairness Niki Ashton called on the government to “investigate Canadian tax-deductible charities who are believed to be funnelling significant funds in support of Israeli military operations and illegal settlements in Palestine.”[114] In December 2024, NDP MP Alistair MacGregor questioned the government on its failure to acknowledge Israeli settlements as war crimes and dedicate resources to investigating them.[115]

In the 2025 election, NDP leadership endorsed Vote Palestine’s Palestine Platform which calls on Canada to end involvement in illegal Israeli settlements by 1) banning all engagement with settlements; 2) revoking the charitable status of Canadian charities found to support settlements; and 3) prohibiting the “ownership, sale, or rental of properties located in illegal Israeli settlements by anyone in Canada.”[116]

Bloc Québécois

In 2024, the Bloc Québécois issued a call for Canada to “immediately exclude the occupied territories from the Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement in order to stop conferring trade benefits on illegal West Bank settlements, which contribute to their economic prosperity.”[117] This follows a history of Bloc MPs repeatedly attempting to introduce legislation to stop CIFTA from benefiting settlements between 2002 and 2005.[118] The party is also calling on Canada to sanction more “extremist settlers” in the occupied West Bank.[119]

In December 2023, BQ MP Bergeron challenged the government on its vote at the UNGA against a motion to condemn settlements, noting how it contradicted Canadian policy.[120] Following the ICJ advisory opinion in July 2024, which found that Israel’s occupation of Palestine is illegal, BQ MP Bergeron asked Global Affairs Canada whether Canada was in violation of the ICJ by “aiding or assisting in the maintenance of the situation created by Israel's illegal presence in the occupied Palestinian territories.”[121]

However, the party has stopped short of supporting measures to end trade with settlements altogether. Only a couple of Bloc candidates have signed Vote Palestine’s 2025 Palestine Platform.[122]

Green Party

When the ICJ issued its advisory opinion in July 2024 that Israel’s occupation of Palestine was illegal and that its settlements must be evacuated, the Green Party said that it agreed with the ICJ’s logic and urged Canada to support it: “we have long called for an end to Israel's illegal settlement activities. Settlements amount to theft of land, resources, and of territory in violation of international law.”[123]

In the 2025 election, GPC leadership endorsed Vote Palestine’s Palestine Platform which calls on Canada to end involvement in illegal Israeli settlements by 1) banning all engagement with settlements; 2) revoking the charitable status of Canadian charities found to support settlements; and 3) prohibiting the “ownership, sale, or rental of properties located in illegal Israeli settlements by anyone in Canada.”[124]

4. Addressing Anti-Palestinian Racism and Islamophobia

Liberal Party

The Liberal government has taken steps in recent years to address Islamophobia, for example, recognizing the National Day of Remembrance of the Québec City Mosque Attack and Action against Islamophobia,[125] and appointing a Special Representative.[126] Only recently, however, have the Liberals taken modest steps towards acknowledging anti-Palestinian racism (APR) as a unique form of racism that is distinct from (yet related to) Islamophobia:

On June 8, 2024, Canada released its updated anti-racism strategy which failed to include APR, despite pressure from civil society groups urging its inclusion. However, the strategy did identify Palestinians as a group facing “unprecedented levels” of hate.
In December 2024, Parliament’s Justice and Human Rights Committee (JUST), led by Liberal MPs, issued a report on Islamophobia that recommended that Canada “formally recognize discrimination towards Palestinians as a distinct group” and adopt an action plan in consultation with “Muslim, Arab and Palestinian communities.”[127]
On March 4, 2025, the Special Representative published a Guide to Understanding and Combatting Islamophobia which recognizes the uniqueness of APR.[128]

However, progress on this file has been undermined by the government’s initiatives that contribute to anti-Palestinian racism, in particular through the promotion of the controversial IHRA definition of antisemitism, as discussed in the next section.

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservative Party does not recognize anti-Palestinian racism, and has opposed attempts to acknowledge it. In April 2024, CPC MP Rachael Thomas moved a motion at the Heritage Committee to condemn a York University faculty committee as antisemitic for allegedly “labelling the support of Israel as 'anti-Palestinian racism'” and “classifying anyone who supports Israel as 'anti-Palestinian, Islamophobic and anti-Arab.'”[129]

In December 2024, with the publication of the Justice Committee’s report on Islamophobia, the Conservative Party issued a dissenting opinion. They expressed “disappointment” that the study looked at anti-Palestinian racism, and echoed criticism from pro-Israel groups who object to the very concept itself. The Conservatives argued that “the inclusion of APR, as highlighted by various community organizations, introduces new and complex categories that risk complicating the conversation and fostering division rather than unity.”[130]

New Democratic Party

The NDP has long acknowledged the reality of anti-Palestinian racism, and both Singh and McPherson specifically named APR during the first debates in Parliament after October 7, 2023.[131]

In May 2024, MP Niki Ashton questioned Canadian Heritage officials for failing to include anti-Palestinian racism in the federal anti-racism strategy, arguing that “calling out anti-Palestinian racism and making it part of the strategy is being part of the solution. Doing otherwise is being part of the problem.”[132] Later that year, Ashton questioned Minister Khamal Khera on this issue, arguing that “ignoring these calls [from civil society] is, frankly, a clear and explicit example of systemic anti-Palestinian racism.”[133]

Both NDP Critic Blake Desjarlais and MP Matthew Green were working on private members’ bills that would address aspects of anti-Palestinian racism when Parliament was prorogued for the Liberal leadership contest.

NDP leadership has endorsed Vote Palestine’s Palestine Platform, which calls on Canada to “stop perpetuating anti-Palestinian racism and meet its commitments to fighting systemic racism in Canada by fully recognizing anti-Palestinian racism in Canada's Anti-Racism Strategy.”[134]

Bloc Québécois

The Bloc does not acknowledge anti-Palestinian racism and has shown hostility towards those fighting against APR and Islamophobia.

The Bloc has repeatedly campaigned against Amira Elghawaby, Canada’s Special Representative on Combatting Islamophobia of Canada, attacking her for things such as not condemning Hamas in her first statement after Oct 7[135] and for promoting measures to prevent Islamophobia in Quebec universities.[136] The Bloc has spent significantly more time trying to get Elghawaby fired than it has tried to address APR in Quebec society or propose tangible solutions to Islamophobia.

The Bloc also participated in the attacks on prospective Human Rights Commissioner Birju Dattani due to his previous statements that were critical of Israel, echoing the false allegations of antisemitism from pro-Israel organizations.[137]

The Bloc issued a dissenting opinion to the Justice Committee’s report on Islamophobia in December 2024, calling criticism of Bill 21 “anti-Quebec propaganda” and expressing “profound disagreement” with a recommendation for universities to increase “the representation of Muslim, Palestinian and Arab faculty members.”[138]

Most recently, in the English language debate, Blanchet opined that a small number of “radical Islamists” were terrorizing Jewish communities in Canada.[139]

Green Party

CJPME is not aware of statements or initiatives from the Green Party to recognize or confront anti-Palestinian racism. However, the party leadership has endorsed Vote Palestine’s Palestine Platform, which calls on Canada to “stop perpetuating anti-Palestinian racism and meet its commitments to fighting systemic racism in Canada by fully recognizing anti-Palestinian racism in Canada's Anti-Racism Strategy.”[140]

5. Protecting Free Expression on Palestine

Liberal Party

The Liberal government has a poor track record when it comes to standing up for free speech on Palestine. In 2016, Trudeau and most Liberal MPs voted for a Conservative motion to condemn the non-violent boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement and its Canadian supporters, and Trudeau has frequently argued that BDS and certain forms of criticism of Israel cross the line into antisemitism (see our last election guide).[141]

The Liberals have frequently targeted pro-Palestine activism in the name of combatting antisemitism:

One key mechanism for this has been the Liberal government’s adoption in 2019 of the controversial and anti-Palestinian IHRA definition of antisemitism, which conflates criticism of Israel and Zionism with antisemitism.[142] Despite overwhelming opposition to IHRA within civil society,[143] who warn that it poses a threat to civil liberties, the Liberals have doubled down on this harmful tool.
In 2023, Trudeau appointed Deborah Lyons as the new Special Envoy on fighting antisemitism. She was apparently chosen because of her experience with promoting Canada-Israel ties as Canada’s Ambassador to Israel, rather than having any background in anti-racism initiatives. Lyons has repeatedly used to role and authority to defame the Palestine solidarity movement as antisemitic.[144] Part of her mandate has been to create an “IHRA Handbook” to guide institutions in implementing IHRA, which was published in October 2024. As CJPME has warned, however, the handbook will result in public institutions persecuting people who criticize systemic racism within Israel, rather than fighting discrimination.[145]
In July 2024, Trudeau also appointed the staunchly pro-Israel MP Anthony Housefather to a special advisory role on antisemitism,[146] which he has been using to try to crack down on campus activism in support of Palestine.[147]
In December 2024, Parliament’s Justice and Human Rights Committee (JUST), led by Liberal MPs, issued a report on Antisemitism that encouraged universities to crack down on pro-Palestine student encampments, BDS, and other forms of protest.[148]

Relatedly, in October 2024 Canada followed Israel and the US in listing the pro-Palestine group “Samidoun” as a terrorist entity. Given the lack of evidence to support this arbitrary designation, CJPME has warned that this amounts to criminalizing political speech.[149]

In the current election campaign, Carney has said that he will introduce legislation to make it illegal to obstruct entrance to community institutions. This is a tool that municipalities have increasingly been using to try to stop pro-Palestine protestors from demonstrating against political events (such as events with Israeli soldiers or sales of real estate in illegal settlements) held at religious community centres.

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservative Party is hostile towards the pro-Palestine movement, and has repeatedly sought to demonize and suppress pro-Palestine activism.

In 2016, the Conservatives introduced a motion in Parliament to condemn the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement and its supporters in Canada,[150] and they have constantly sought to present the Palestine movement as antisemitic.[151] Since the start of Israel’s genocide they have repeatedly painted pro-Palestine demonstrations as “hate rallies,” and have called for student encampments to be dismantled.[152] The party has attacked other MPs for expressions of support for Palestine, including attacking the NDP’s Heather McPherson for wearing a watermelon pin (calling it a symbol “backed by Hamas terrorists”).[153]

The party has suggested that federal academic granting agencies should stop funding “antisemitic” research, and pointed to a list of Palestine-related research grants compiled by the pro-Israel group B’nai Brith.[154] More recently, Poilievre has been promising to “defund” universities, public museums, and all other public bodies if they are imposing a “toxic woke ideology”[155] – which in this case appears to refer primarily to pro-Palestinian narratives or anything that is critical of Israel.

Most troubling, the Conservatives also support criminalization measures. The Conservatives led the pressure on the government to ban Samidoun as a terrorist organization, despite a lack of evidence of their participation in any terrorist activity.[156] And now, as US President Trump is currently arresting and deporting students for engaging in pro-Palestine speech, Poilievre has been making similar promises to impose criminal consequences on “radical” demonstrators[157] and deport those involved in “antisemitic crimes” – which may be interpreted in a broad way to include those with pro-Palestinian political views.[158]

New Democratic Party

The NDP has a complicated history with pro-Palestine activism, and in the past its leadership has both rejected the BDS movement while opposing attempts to suppress it.[159] Today, the party largely validates the demands of the pro-Palestine movement, including calls for sanctions on Israel, while shying away from endorsing BDS.

When it comes to responding to the rise of pro-Palestine demonstrations since October 7, 2023, the NDP has a mixed record. In December 2024, the NDP defended a protest at Parliament held by a coalition organized by Jews Say No to Genocide, which was being attacked by the Conservative Party.[160] And in committee, NDP MPs have repeatedly spoken out in support of pro-Palestine activists and in defence of their freedom of expression.[161] However, in February 2024, Jagmeet Singh falsely smeared a pro-Palestine march as having “targeted” Mount Sinai Hospital “because of its ties to the Jewish community in Toronto,[162] and he has not retracted this allegation even after it was debunked by local reporting.[163] Despites its principles, the party is not immune to jumping on the latest smear campaign against pro-Palestine activists orchestrated by pro-Israel lobby groups.

Despite the wide concern within civil society against the IHRA definition of antisemitism, the NDP has been relatively confused in its position. In November 2024, the NDP argued that the federal government “should not adopt the IHRA definition” to avoid “conflating legitimate criticism of government policies with antisemitism.”[164] However, only a month later, the NDP declined to provide a dissenting report on a Justice committee study that endorsed the use of IHRA in suppressing pro-Palestine activism.[165]

The NDP leadership has endorsed Vote Palestine’s 2025 Palestine Platform, which calls on Canada to “[protect] the free expression and civil rights of those engaging in various forms of protest, including Boycotts, Divestments, Sanctions (BDS) in support of Palestinian rights.[166]

Bloc Québécois

The BQ is not openly campaigning against the pro-Palestine movement in the same way that the Conservatives have, but it has nonetheless made a number of statements that suggest it supports the suppression of pro-Palestine speech. In February 2024, the party moved a motion to “eliminate the religious exception from the law that criminalizes hate speech or speech that incites violence,” which appears to be a thinly-veiled attempt to criminalize Imams, especially those who oppose Zionism. The BQ said that this measure was necessary “particularly in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is likely to exacerbate tensions.” [167] The Bloc has repeatedly raised this issue in Parliament and during debates; during the 2025 leadership debates, BQ leader Blanchet alleged that changes were necessary because Jewish Canadians were under attack from “radical Islamists.”[168]

During a meeting of the Heritage Committee, BQ MP Martin Champoux questioned civil liberties experts on the need to “balance” the rights of protestors against other factors, alleging that pro-Palestine protests have been the source of “extremely hateful and extremely violent slogans” and wondering if “people's safety” might “take precedence over freedom of expression in such a case.”[169]

Green Party

The Green Party has a complicated relationship with pro-Palestine activism, including the BDS movement. In 2016, the party ultimately decided to endorse forms of economic pressure against Israel, even after Elizabeth May threatened to quit over the party membership’s support for BDS.[170] Today, the party largely validates the demands of the pro-Palestine movement, including calls for sanctions on Israel, while shying away from endorsing BDS.

The GPC leadership has endorsed Vote Palestine’s 2025 Palestine Platform, which calls on Canada to “[protect] the free expression and civil rights of those engaging in various forms of protest, including Boycotts, Divestments, Sanctions (BDS) in support of Palestinian rights.[171]

6. Canada’s Aid to Palestine Refugees (UNRWA)

Liberal Party

In 2016, the Trudeau government renewed funding to UNRWA, the UN aid agency responsible for providing relief and education to millions of Palestinian refugees, after successive cuts by the Harper government reduced funding to zero. Canadian funding has largely remained consistent since then, despite constant attacks from pro-Israel groups and the Conservative Party, and the Liberal government has occasionally provided additional funding in response to emergencies.

However, on January 26, 2024 – the same day that the ICJ ruled that Israel must take steps to prevent genocide in Gaza – Canada fell for an Israeli-orchestrated smear campaign against UNRWA and suspended funding to the organization, pending an investigation into the unfounded allegations against a few of its staff.[172] Although International Development Minister Hussen eventually restored Canada’s funding over a month later,[173] this stunt had caused irreparable harm to UNRWA by damaging its reputation and validating the Israeli campaign against it, prompting other countries to similarly withdraw funding.

Since the start of the Gaza genocide in 2023, Canada has also provided support for various US-led humanitarian measures, including airdrops[174] and the failed “sea corridor.”[175] These half-hearted schemes attempted to bypass Israel’s siege and blockade on Gaza, which has created the severe risk of famine conditions. However, Canada has not taken any measures to pressure Israel into ending those devastating restrictions on aid in the first place.

Overall, Canada has treated the catastrophic human suffering in Gaza as primarily a humanitarian concern, rather than the deliberate result of political actions, and has failed to take any action to hold Israel accountable for its restrictions on aid or its attacks on civilian infrastructure.

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservatives display open hostility towards the main humanitarian organization serving Palestinian refugees. It was the Harper government that eliminated Canada’s funding to UNRWA around 2010, and Poilievre is vowing to once again defund it.[176] Following an Israeli smear campaign claiming that a small group of UNRWA employees took part in the October 7 attacks, Poilievre has called UNRWA a “terrorist” organization,[177] and CPC deputy leader Lantsman has claimed that funding UNRWA amounts to “rewarding rapists.”[178]

New Democratic Party

The NDP has been a vocal champion for UNRWA. When the Trudeau government suspended funding to the organization in January 2024, the NDP called this decision “collective punishment,”[179] argued that Trudeau was “punishing Palestinian children who did not commit a crime,”[180] and defended UNRWA in questioning Global Affairs Canada officials, asking “does Global Affairs Canada feel it's reasonable to hold an organization that employs 33,000 people accountable for the actions of 12 of its members?”[181]

Following Israel’s banning of UNRWA in October 2024, the NDP called for sanctions against the Israeli government, arguing “we cannot tolerate these outrageous attacks on the United Nations and international law.”[182]

During the leaders’ debates, Jagmeet Singh challenged Poilievre’s “disgusting” attacks on UNRWA, saying: “This is the only organization that is helping out people on the ground and you painted the entire organization with the same brush, calling it a terrorist organization. That is unacceptable, that is hateful and it is entirely inappropriate.”[183]

The NDP leadership has endorsed Vote Palestine’s 2025 Palestine Platform, which calls on Canada to ensure adequate funding for relief efforts in Gaza, including UNRWA.[184]

Bloc Québécois

The BQ has been a vocal champion for UNRWA, “strongly disagreeing” with the Trudeau government’s decision to suspend funding to the organization and pushing back against the Conservatives’ claim that it is a “terrorist” organization.[185] BQ foreign affairs critic Bergeron said that “to even suggest that funding for UNRWA wouldn't be approved seems incredibly insensitive, given the current situation in Gaza. [186]

In May 2024, the Bloc argued that “any deliberate obstruction of the entry of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip constitutes a war crime and [should] lead to Canadian sanctions against those responsible.”[187]

Green Party

The Green Party has been consistent in its support for UNRWA. Following the Trudeau government’s decision to suspend funding to UNRWA, GPC Green MP Mike Morrice repeatedly criticized this decision in Parliament, arguing that “if the government is serious about a ceasefire, UNRWA must be re-funded,”[188] and asking “when will the government reinstate UNRWA funding, which millions of Palestinians rely on for food, and call on Israel to follow the ICJ ruling?”[189] Morrice also posed excellent questions to Minister Joly, questioning the basis on which Canada made the decision.[190]

The GPC leadership has endorsed Vote Palestine’s 2025 Palestine Platform, which calls on Canada to ensure adequate funding for relief efforts in Gaza, including UNRWA.[191]

7. Affirming Palestinian Rights under International Law

Liberal Party

When it comes to affirming Palestinian rights under international law, such as the question of Palestinian statehood or voting at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), the Trudeau government continued Harper’s pro-Israel approach for the majority of its mandate, and only started to meaningfully shift these positions within its final year. But even with the changes that Canada has made, these actions are largely symbolic and represent the lowest-hanging fruit, rather than taking action to address the genocide.

Canada does not recognize the State of Palestine, and for years the Liberal government had opposed efforts of the State of Palestine to become a member of the UNGA or join the International Criminal Court as a state party.[192] In 2024, when countries including Ireland, Norway, and Spain recognized Palestine, Canada refused to join them.[193]

However, in May 2024 Trudeau signalled a potential change in policy, saying that Canada would now consider recognizing the State of Palestine at a time prior to the end of negotiations, when it would be most conducive to bringing a peaceful resolution.[194] The same day, Canada abstained (rather than voting “no”) on a UN resolution to upgrade Palestine’s membership status.[195] However, the government never indicated when an act of recognition might take place. In the absence of action, Parliament’s Liberal-led Foreign Affairs Committee launched a study into whether Canada should recognize the State of Palestine,[196] but it never issued a report because Parliament was prorogued. Most recently, Mark Carney said he would not immediately recognize a Palestinian state.[197]

At the UN General Assembly, for years, Trudeau had largely maintained the Harper-era approach of voting against virtually every UN motion that is critical of Israel or upholds Palestinian human rights.[198] This is despite the fact that foreign affairs officials had warned the government that these votes contradicted Canada’s values and policy positions and were harming Canada’s international reputation.[199] Trudeau first modified this position in 2019, when Trudeau switched a single vote in support of Palestinian self-determination.[200] In 2023, Canada changed two more votes,[201] and in 2024 Canada actually voted in favour of the majority of such resolutions.[202] This shift was explained as a response to Israel’s actions, such as its attacks on UNRWA and its acceleration of Israeli settlement growth.[203]

Similarly, Canada had regularly voted against motions on health conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory at the World Health Assembly (WHA), arguing it politicizes the issues. In 2022, however, Canada supported a very similar resolution condemning Russian attacks on Ukrainian health care, revealing a major double standard.[204] In 2024, Canada changed its position to abstention.[205]

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservative Party is opposed to recognizing the State of Palestine until after negotiations, and only with the consent of Israel.[206] CPC deputy leader Lantsman has claimed that immediate recognition of a Palestinian state amounts to “rewarding terrorists for the October 7th massacre.”[207]

It was under the Harper government that Canada began voting against all resolutions for Palestine at the UN General Assembly.[208] The CPC opposes the recent shift by the Liberal government to resume voting for these so-called “anti-Israel” resolutions, pledging that “Conservatives will restore Canada’s position on Israel at the UN, ensuring alignment with our closest democratic allies.”[209]

New Democratic Party

The NDP has repeatedly called on Canada to immediately recognize the state of Palestine, arguing that “the right of the Palestinian people to statehood is a globally recognized right and it doesn’t legally require negotiation or a peace settlement.”[210] The party has included this in their 2025 campaign platform, pledging that the NDP “would join the increasing number of countries that recognize the State of Palestine. This is a concrete step towards peace and justice for Palestinians and Israelis, consistent with Canada’s traditional support for a two-state solution.”[211]

The NDP has been critical of the government’s pro-Israel voting record, and since at least 2022 has been asking the Liberal government to “vote for Palestinian human rights at the United Nations.”[212]

Bloc Québécois

The Bloc has consistently supported calls to immediately recognize the State of Palestine. In May 2024, BQ leader Blanchet asked Trudeau in Parliament, “as the Prime Minister himself says he supports a two-state solution, is he prepared to join the many countries that formally recognize the State of Palestine?”[213] Blanchet has recently called on Canada to follow France and several other countries in supporting “rapid recognition of the Palestinian state.”[214]

The Bloc has not put forward a policy regarding how Canada should vote at the UN, but has occasionally questioned the government on its decisions to vote against resolutions on Palestinian rights that are consistent with Canadian foreign policy.[215]

Green Party

The Green Party argued in May 2024 that Canada should follow the lead of Spain, Norway and Ireland by recognizing Palestine as a state.[216] The policy was added to the party’s 2025 election platform, which says that the Greens would “recognize the State of Palestine, not only because it is the right thing to do but because doing so is in alignment with international law, which Canada has sadly failed to do for over 30 years.”[217]

The GPC has occasionally criticized the Liberal government’s pro-Israel voting at the UN. In 2022, party leader Elizabeth May asked Canada to consider voting in support of UN resolutions on Palestinian refugees and to take action on Israeli settlements.[218]

8. Upholding Accountability for War Crimes

Liberal Party

The Liberal Party had for years opposed, or abstained on, efforts at the United Nations to request the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to provide legal advice to the General Assembly on questions of international law in Palestine.

In 2022, Canada voted against a motion to ask the ICJ for an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the occupation,[219] and officially sent a letter to discourage the court from taking up the question.[220] When the opinion was released in 2024, Canada abstained on a resolution at the UNGA supporting its conclusions.[221] However, Canada has on several occasions urged Israel to comply with parts of the ICJ ruling, such as the prohibition on settlement expansion,[222] while ignoring the more fundamental obligations that Israel must end its presence in the OPT entirely.
When South Africa brought Israel before the ICJ on allegations of genocide, Canada took a muddled position that appeared to reject South Africa’s case while affirming the independence of the court itself, saying that “our support for the ICJ does not mean that we accept the premise of the case brought by South Africa.”[223] Canada has also expressed on several occasions that Israel must adhere to the provisional measures ordered by the court.[224] However, on the day that the ruling came out, Canada joined the US in defunding UNRWA as part of an Israeli-coordinated smear campaign to deflect attention away from the ICJ measures (see above).
In December 2024, Canada abstained on Norway’s motion for an advisory opinion on Israel's starvation policies.[225]

When the ICC Chief Prosecutor initially requested arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant in May 2024, Trudeau said that he recognized the independence of the ICC. At the same time, he suggested that he disagreed with its issuing of arrest warrants for Israeli officials, saying it was “troubling” as it gave a “sense of an equivalency between the democratically elected leaders of Israel and the bloodthirsty terrorists that lead up Hamas. I don’t think that’s helpful.”[226] When the arrest warrants were finally issued in November, Trudeau implied that he would abide by Canada’s obligation to arrest Netanyahu and Gallant, although he refused to outright say so.[227]

Conservative Party of Canada

The Conservative Party has called the ICC arrest warrant against Netanyahu “outrageous,” and claimed that by choosing not to reject them outright, Trudeau was “allowing terrorism to win.”[228] Poilievre has said that it is “woke weirdness” and “extreme” for Trudeau to suggest arresting the “democratically-elected leader of Israel,”[229] and is quoted as saying: “I do not recognize the legitimacy of the ICC [International Criminal Court] and Prime Minister Netanyahu would be welcomed here [in Canada] as a friend,” and an "ally."[230] On the contrary, CPC MPs have wondered whether Canada should join the US in imposing sanctions on the ICC.[231]

New Democratic Party

The NDP supports sanctions on the Israeli war cabinet,[232] and the NDP’s 2025 election platform promises to “impose sanctions on key figures in the Netanyahu regime who have incited violence, genocide, and annexation.”[233]

The NDP has expressed support for ICJ rulings and urges concrete actions to hold Israel accountable.[234] NDP leader Singh criticized Trudeau’s muted response to the ICC arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant, and said that Canada should publicly support and execute them: “for [the] rule of law to work, the law should apply to everyone.”[235]

Bloc Québécois

The BQ has not actively campaigned on measures to hold Israel accountable. However, in May 2024 they issued a series of important proposals, including:

“Apply Canada's sanctions regime to target Israeli ministers who openly call for crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip and target more extremist settlers in the West Bank;”
“Support the International Court of Justice and, if necessary, the International Criminal Court to enforce international law and commit to arresting anyone subject to a potential arrest warrant who may be on Canadian territory;” and
“Reiterate that any deliberate obstruction of humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip constitutes a war crime and will lead to Canadian sanctions against those responsible.”[236]

At the same time, BQ leader Blanchet asked Trudeau if he was “prepared to support the International Court of Justice and potentially the International Criminal Court in enforcing international law and commit to arresting anyone on Canadian soil who is named in an arrest warrant? Is he prepared to apply Canada's sanctions regime to Israeli ministers who openly call for the commission of crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip?”[237]

Green Party

The Green Party welcomed the ICC arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant, and called on the Liberal government to “to clearly and unequivocally reaffirm not only its respect but its unwavering support for international law, the ICC, the International Court of Justice and the independence of their institutions.”[238] The Green Party also welcomed South Africa’s initiative against Israel at the ICJ, and argued that “Canada should support such efforts to clarify the ongoing situation and the search for justice.”[239]

The Green Party’s 2025 election platform pledges to “ensure Canada is following international law and is endorsing and supporting both the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice. We cannot expect protection under international law if we decline to support it or only support its application haphazardly.”[240]